Cheap But Real Nike Roshe Run Woven Women Red Black With Lowest Price Authentic. Men Nike Free Run 3 Blue Glow University Red Pure Platinum Quilted 100% Original Quality Nike Roshe Run Woven Women Red Black With Free Shipping On Every Orders Aquinas boys first, girls second at Ken Trott InviteTodd Sommerfeldt: Bangor looks to buckle down on 'D'West Salem football makes move to MVCGilge busy while taking over in West SalemWest Salem names new football, boys basketball coachesWHAT: Augie's second annual poker run for New Horizons ShelterWHERE: Poker run headquarters is Augie's Bar and Grill, 1614 Commercial St., Bangor, but participants can start at any of the other stops on the 100 mile route, which include Nub's Pub in Melrose, Freddie's Bar in North Bend, Likelee Spot in Middle Ridge, Nick's Bar in Barre Mills and Big Johnson's Doghouse in Cashton. Saturday, Aug.COST: Entry fee is $15Augie Walters, owner of Augie's Bar and Grill in Bangor, is hosting the second annual poker run on Aug. 25 to benefit New Horizons Shelter and Outreach Centers. This year's event includes a pig roast and T shirts.Walters advertises the event as "anything on wheels." Last year's riders showed up on motorcycles, in trucks and even in motor homes with six or eight people."They help out a lot of people," Walters said about choosing New Horizons as the beneficiary."We are extremely fortunate to have Augie's Bar and Grill organizing their second annual poker run benefiting New Horizons Shelter and Outreach Centers," said New Horizons Executive Director Ann Kappauf.Last year's poker run brought in more than $700 for New Horizons, which provides 18 nights of shelter stay for a domestic abuse victim, covers one month of shelter utility costs or buys five months of perishable food items for those staying in shelter, Kappauf said.In addition to the poker run last year, the bar conducted a clothing drive and donated three pickup truck loads to take to New Horizons. Walters said if people bring clothing to this year's event, he'll make sure it gets to New Horizons.The 100 mile poker run route includes five stops. Participants pick up a playing card at each stop, and the best hand wins $250.Walters added the pig roast to the event to attract people who can't do the poker run but still want to help New Horizons. T shirts will sell for $10 each, and some will be given away as door prizes..

There is no single theory that one can use to explain why young people crimes. This is because most of their situations are unique and one ought to examine them uniquely. the sociological one and the psychological one will be imperative in understanding juvenile delinquents. The essay shall examine these theories in relation to three crimes commonly committed by the youth and these are carjacking, breaking and entering a home and shoplifting. One sociological theory that can provide an insight into this issue is the social identity theory. According to this theory, adolescents are at point in their lives where they are trying to understand their place in society. Most of them may be trying to curve niches for themselves. embrace institutional issues as they are or whether they should change them in order to create a new value system. (Bonard et al, 2001) This sociological theory asserts that such persons may be trying to experiment with a social role so as to determine which one suits them. Additionally, some of these girls may be trying to look for mechanisms that will propagate thrill seeking activities or they may also be trying to reject their parent's identities if they come from economically disadvantaged backgrounds. By shoplifting, such youth may be trying to develop an alternative value system that differs tremendously from their parents'. Consequently, this could be the reason why some of them may choose to shoplift. One psychological theory that can be applied in shoplifting is the social deviant theory. Here, persons who commit crimes regardless of the age or sex are usually pushed into doing this due to the lack of certain psychological controls. For instance, it is possible to find that most of these individuals lack impulse control or they lack mechanisms for regulating their behavior based on society's expectations. Another psychological theory that may be applicable in shoplifting is the lifespan theory. While the lifespan theory may be a combination of sociological and psychological aspects, some of the Explanations can be regarded as psychological ones. For instance, most young people tend to feel that there is a gap between the ideal definition of what they are supposed to be and what they really are. Consequently, this creates a situation in which they may have to resort to drastic measures in order to fit into the shoes of the ideal adolescent. (Loeber Birmaher, 2002) Another sociological theory that explains crime is the routine activities theory. This theory can allow one to understand why certain adolescents may find shoplifting particularly seductive. Some of them may assume that so many others do it so they may get away with it too. A sociological theory that can be applied in this case is the strain theory. According to the strain theory, adolescents may be catapulted into this crime when they weigh the costs of committing the crime and its consequences. If the latter are less than the former, then they will commit it. Breaking and entering usually does not solicit a lot of attention from the juvenile correctional system. Consequently, this may prompt some of them to engage in the act. A psychological theory that can explain breaking and entering is the cognitive theory. Some individuals may come from neighborhoods where the act of breaking and entering is quite a common one. Consequently, such adolescents may have been taught to ignore effects of their actions. Another psychological theory that can be used to explain this crime is the theory of extraversion. Certain individuals may have personalities that put them in a position where they are likely to disregard the consequences of crime. According to this theory, extroverts tend to be thrill seekers or persons who focus on the short term. In this case, they are likely to break and enter into a home if they are looking for some temporary pleasure. (Kelley, Homant Kennedy, 2003) One sociological theory that is applicable in the issue of breaking and entering is the routine activities theory. According to this theory, persons may engage in a crime after the realization that the crime is the norm in their respective neighborhoods. Such neighborhoods are usually characterized by few guards and little vigilance by the police. A sociological theory used to explain why certain person commit carjacking is the Marxist theory. According to this theory, some people my feel that they are being oppressed by the holders of wealth within the society or the upper class. Consequently, such persons may be prompted to commit crimes in order to bridge the gap between the bourgeoisie and the proletariat. Usually, such adolescents may aim for seemingly wealthy people who appear to have exactly what they desire. Cars are usually a common target because they allow the offenders a chance to catapult into that class quickly. This is a false consciousness because it makes the adolescent assume that they are entitled to that car. (Lamontagne et al, 2001) Another sociological reason that can be applied in this scenario is called the strain theory. When young persons choose to car jack, they may simply be depicting the kind of strain that they are undergoing in their current situation in life. Some of them may be struggling to gain autonomy from their parents; others may be looking for some extra cash that will assist them in meeting expenses. This is usually the case when that adolescent is not satisfied with their current situation. One psychological theory that can be applied in this scenario is the choice theory. According to this theory, young people may choose to commit crimes after examining the pros and cons of the act and then proceed with it. In this case an individual will be exercising their free wiling in choosing between the ownership of a car or finances that proceed from its sale and the punishment that might result from the crime in case those two individuals get caught in the process. (Kendall, 2003) One psychological theory that can be applied in understanding carjacking is the behaviorism theory. In this theory, behavior is adopted from certain individuals that are surrounding them. In the case of juvenile acts such as a carjacking, it is possible to find that the person who commits a carjacking may have observed this behavior among his peers; an aspect that is quite likely if that person comes from a neighborhood with such high cases of carjacking, then they may follow suit. Additionally, if crime is a routine in the area under consideration, then it is likely that one may be prompted to commit it. 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The process was simple and inexpensive requiring no natural resources to sustain it other than the water power that flowed through New England rivers and streams. These basic hammer mills continued to pound out pulp from cloth in America until a great shortage of rags occurred in the 1860's as mechanically printed daily newspapers increasingly gained popularity. European paper makers had witnessed shortages of rag material for centuries prior to the 1860's and consequently had introduced the process of incorporating saw dust into the rag mixture to lessen the amount of cloth needed to create the pulp for the paper molds; the first great change the paper industry was to face. In 1868 a saw mill in Topsham, Maine began to produce paper in the space below the slide rails and carriage of the main head rig. As the saw dust fell from the saw above it was collected and beaten with a simple hammer mill then used as pulp the same as the rags had once been. This crude paper making venture was the first in America to produce paper entirely of wood fiber. In 1875 S. D. Warren, the largest producer of paper in Maine at that time, converted their operations to use strictly wood fibers to produce paper. Within five years they were the largest manufacturer of paper in the world, a title they held until 1902 when Great Northern Paper Company opened their plant in Millinocket, Maine and produced within the first six months twice the amount of paper the S. D. Warren mill could make in a year. Maine was a paper maker's paradise with fast flowing rivers to power the turbines of the manufactory, and at the head of every stream, hundreds of thousands of acres of fertile forest to feed the demand of the tub grinders and trip hammers. The use of Maine logs harvested in the wooded north turned from dimensional lumber to pulp for the production of paper. Pulp was king of the woods from the early days of the 1860's and 70's to the 1960's as Maine led the nation in the manufacturing of paper. The Period before the spruce budworm epidemic of 1975 to 1985 can be classified as a period of continued growth and overall confidence in the reliability of the Maine pulp and paper industry. The companies were successful and their employees enjoyed some of the highest industrial wages for their day. The only elements of change of the era were increasing profit margins and production rates. By the 1970's, the situation had begun to move in a new and difficult direction. The future became uncertain and times became tense in the decade between 1975 and 1985. It is the purpose of this paper to examine the events of that era that made it such a critical turning point for the manufacturers of paper within the State of Maine. Stability had begun to fade in the turbulent 1970's as the Pulp and Paper Industry underwent its first round of changes since the great shift away from rags to the use of wood for pulp. The sweeping changes from the period of 1975 to 1985 centered around, and hidden behind, the spruce budworm resulted ultimately in difficult times for the Paper Industry within the state of Maine. The pest that created both a legitimate reason, and a shield behind which to hide much deeper rooted problems, manifested itself in the form of a small cocoon about one centimeter long that attached itself to thousands of fir trees. Facing hard times in the 1970's and 80's, the paper companies of Maine used issues relating to the budworm to try to improve their business conditions within the state. There were many new shifts in the areas of labor, politics and silviculture that represented an evolving industry. Change was in the wind even before the mature budworm moths floated down from Quebec into the north woods, change that would come from both the economic and political sectors. In the 1830's when the system of the logging camps had become established in northern Maine, men from farms and cities traveled up river in the fall and stayed in the woods cutting timber until the spring freshets carried the saw logs and pulp bolts to the mills below. These men were paid by the day on prearranged wages that were independent of their production rates, and in many cases their work was done with company owned tools. With the coming of World War Two, a huge swell in the demand for wood and a shortage of manpower to harvest the timber, employers switched to a system of payment based on the production of the individual logger. Traditionally, the terms "cord" for pulpwood and "board feet" for saw logs were words only used by bosses and scalers. With woodsmen being paid by the cord and the thousand board feet, everyone became concerned with production rates and wood volume. The shift to piece production waged labor greatly affected the logger and the employers. For generations logging was salary work where employees were paid a fixed rate which meant that the pace was slow and wood was always in demand. Employers greatly benefited from the switch to production based pay because now they only paid employees who produced labor in measurable quantities. No longer were workers paid for not producing. Paying woodsmen for their individual production, had the effect of standardization across many companies so that men were paid the same amount for a cord of wood no matter for which company they were employed. This standardization took the security out of woods work and made it "god damn tricky to find and keep a steady chance while employed for any company." The new breed of piece rate woodsmen developed work ethics driven by production. The fast pace was so high that by the mid 1950's most men worked alone in the woods felling and piling pulpwood trees with tools they now owned out right. Men found they could make more money alone than in teams as they once had done. Loggers became known as "cutter men" rather than the traditional term of woodsmen. The name change symbolized in many respects the quickened pace of woods work as men now focused solely on clearing the sticks from the stump. These cutter men of the late 1950's became attached to paper companies in ways that the old woodsmen had never been. In the days prior to standardization, it was not unusual for a woodsman to leave one logging camp to seek higher pay in another. Now with equal wages, men simply had to "buckle down and work like hell to make a decent wage." Slowly the logging camps disappeared as cutter men began to operate independently living at home on the weekends and spending the week nights in trailers and portable camps in the woods. Into this new era of cutter men and fast paced work, the lowly budworm floated down from Canada in the spring of 1975. The Spruce Budworm had last made a devastating appearance in 1918 when it drifted through the woods killing fir and spruce trees throughout the northern part of the state. Budworm epidemics have regularly swept over much of Maine in sixty year cycles. The budworm causes damage to soft wood stands by attaching its cocoon to the reproductive structures of conifers. The newly emerged budworm will eat away at the reproductive buds of the host, effectively killing the tree. While infected trees can be cut and used for pulp and even low grade saw logs, the harvesting must be done soon after the tree is killed, or it will succumb to rot and loose any value it might have. While most of the infected trees from the 1918 outbreak were salvaged and utilized, timberland owners were deeply concerned in 1975, because the new blight seemed to have covered more acreage. From its rapid start the budworm reached its fullest extent in 1978 when 2,017,600 acres of commercially owned spruce fir forest were infected out of the 7,949,400 acres then industrially owned. By 1970, much of the land in the state of Maine was, and still is, owned by multinational paper companies who have used Maine timber to feed their mills. In 1975 the seven major companies in the state were International Paper Company, Great Northern Paper Company, Diamond Paper Company, St. Regis Pulp and Paper Company, Scott Paper Company, Georgia Pacific Pulp and Paper Company and Boise Cascades Paper Company. Of the seven, Great Northern Paper Company was the largest producer in tons of paper products. These companies owned over one third of the land within the state of Maine, an area bigger then the states of Massachusetts and Rhode Island combined. Timber management companies such as Seven Islands and Prentice and Carlisle owned or supervised another third of the state. These large landowners were deeply worried by their rapidly infected forests as a result of the budworm. The quickened pace of work of the cutter men was asked to increase as owners looked to salvage their investments by harvesting wood damaged by the budworm. The rush was on and cutter men were hurrying to keep up. "Get it out or loose out" became the slogan from the company meeting rooms to the jobber trailers out in the forest as wood was cleared from the stump as quickly as possible to get it to the mills before the budworm could take affect. In an effort to hasten the pace of woods work machinery was becoming very prevalent. Chainsaws were the first means of mechanization many loggers utilized in the 1950s, and by the 1970s they had completely replace axes and Swede saws in the harvesting of pulp and saw logs. By the mid 1960s skidders made an appearance in the forests as a means of hauling freshly cut trees from the site of the stump to a yard to be trucked away. Skidders replaced horse teams only gradually at first, but the demand for wood soon increased their prevalence. While chainsaws and skidders became staples of the logging industry, it was the mechanical harvester that would symbolize the push made by paper companies for more and more wood. Mechanical harvesters fell, limb, and carry away tree length logs from the site of the stump to a yard or other landing to be transported to the mill. The average cutter man could fell, limb and buck up in four foot lengths approximately ten cords of wood per day using only a chainsaw and a cable skidder. A mechanical harvester is capable of harvesting 100 cord a day on good ground and is operated by only one man. The largest of the mechanical harvesters was the Koehring Feller Forwarder which felled trees with a processing head on the boom of an excavator and then loaded the un limbed trees up to 70 feet in length into an attached dump truck body. Only four of these giants were made for the Great Northern Paper Company at an individual cost of $600,000 for the specific purpose of clearing land to fight the budworm. One of these machines could do in a day the same amount of work that a crew of 3 skidders with two men to a skidder team could do in a week. The Koehings were operated twenty two hours a day with only a two hour shut down period for maintenance. These harvesters had limitations however. They only could operate in wide open spaces, mandating that clear cut methods of harvesting be used. A skidder and a cutter man are capable of operating in thick undergrowth and selectively cutting individual trees and leaving developing trees alone. Both skidders and mechanical harvesters were very expensive pieces of machinery that were out of the financial reach of most cutter men. In 1976 a brand new state of the art Timberjack cable skidder cost $30,000 and a mechanical harvester cost well over $275,000. Both pieces of machinery were needed however, to keep up with the demands of the paper companies for more wood. Independent Jobbers would make contracts with paper companies or land management firms to cut on their land based on predetermined amounts of wood to be harvested. A piece of ground to be cut was known as a "chance." "The company assigns you a chance and tells you to cut 250 cord off from it each week, and you got no way in hell to keep up without two or three skidder crews or one good harvester." In the late 1960's paper companies became loan agencies as they started to lend money to cutter men to purchase machinery. The jobbers would take out a loan on a piece of equipment from a paper company and cut wood off that company's land and then turn around and pay their wages back to the company to reduce the debt they had incurred from their skidders. "They'd have ya where they wanted ya. They set tha' loan rate, and then they set your pay!" A contract with a land owner was not a sacred document by any means. "As soon as they got ya to start buyin' and gatherin' debt, they'd yank your chance and leave ya' hangin'!" Chances were pulled from cutter men due to bad weather that caused deep mud which would damage the tree regeneration if mechanical equipment was used, or if the companies had met their wood quotas for a particular week. In this fashion the cutter men (and the jobbers who employed them) were kept on a string by the paper companies due to the uncertainties of the forest industries in the 1970s and 80s. The cutter men could never fully separate themselves from the paper companies due to the large amounts of debt they owed to them and the dependency they had on forest employment in a state with very few other job opportunities. Consistency was leaving the woods business in the 1970's for the paper industry through new governmental legislation which greatly affected how forest and mill operations were conducted within the state of Maine. For as long as it had existed, the paper industry had operated free from large amounts of governmental control, but with the 1970's and emerging environmental laws, the old systems began to change. The Maine Environmental Commission which was instituted in 1971 began to implement legislation that would forever change industry in Maine. The Federal Clean Air, Clean Water and Toxixic Substance Acts set the stage for change and accountability in the industrial world. Paper companies were, for the first time, responsible for the pollutants that they emptied into the rivers and streams. While emissions control had a large impact on the industry, the year 1976 saw one of the greatest changes effecting the forest products system. For three centuries every stick of wood from the north was floated to the mills on river drives. In 1975 the state of Maine passed laws requiring the drives to end for good in 1976. While the clean air and water acts added costs to the manufacturing process in the form of fines and by requiring new filtration plants and sulphur dioxide scrubbers be installed at paper manufactories, the end of the river drives meant huge added transportation costs for the paper industry. The river drives enabled the paper companies to transport their wood from the forest to the mill for free. Only the cost of labor factored into the amount paid to transport a cord of wood via a waterway. It cost Scott Paper Company six cents in 1975 to transport a cord of wood on the river drive. When Scott Paper was forced to switch to trucks in 1976 to haul the wood to its mills it cost $7.58 per cord. For a company that utilized upwards of 250,000 cords of wood in 1976, a 126 fold increase in wood transportation costs was very dramatic. Transportation and environmental practices were not the only areas affected by new legislation during the 1970's, labor and taxation were also concerns. While Workman's Compensation insurance plans had existed well before the 1970's, it was not until the pace of work increased dramatically that more and more laborers were

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